[W]e should recognize how little we understand the world and should also realize that it doesn’t matter whether we can conceive of how the world works … [P]hysical science no longer seeks to provide pictures of how the world works, that is, “a model functioning on essentially classical lines,” but only seeks to provide a “way of looking at the fundamental laws which makes their self-consistency obvious.”

Adapted from the 2013 Dewey lectures he gave at Columbia University, this book serves as a grand tour of the philosophical implications of language and cognition. It’s not only an overview of the field of linguistics, but places Chomsky’s own work on the chopping block along theories that challenge or explore different areas tangentially related to language. Chomsky has always maintained his linguistics bear no connection to his politics, but here the contrary is on full display. Engrossing explorations shine light on surprising links between the human capacity for language, liberty, and the prospects for a free and just society.

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As noted by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention:

The Opinions of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention are legally-binding to the extent that they are based on binding international human rights law, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)…The Opinions of the WGAD are also considered as authoritative by prominent international and regional judicial institutions, including the European Court of Human Rights.

It would make sense that the United Kingdom, as both an observer of international law, a member of the United Nations and of the European Court of Human Rights, be under an obligation to respect the decision of the United Nations group but alas…

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Take, for example, the network of wealthy donors that fund Ted Cruz’s 2016 campaign.

A Republican strategist well connected to the donor world added: “When he’s with major donors, they expect the guy they see with all the red meat, but they instead see an intelligent, buttoned-down lawyer with real bona fides. He will say things like, basically, ‘This is politics — you’ve got go out there and sell and perform.’ ”

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/cruzs-secret-fundraising-strength-a-network-of-wealthy-donors/2015/10/26/d170532e-7c0b-11e5-beba-927fd8634498_story.html

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This has been refuted in its many forms time after time after time whether it’s been $100 billion, $150 billion, or $5 trillion.

First of all, Iran is recovering $100 billion of assets and oil revenues, frozen in foreign banks. No one is sending Iran money.

Secondly, no one even knows how much Iran is specifically getting but we know the range is “from $29 billion to as much as $150 billion.”

Third, Iran has financial obligations to nations that supported it during the sanctions. After it pays off those obligations, it will have–after all sanctions are removed–recovered $56 billion.

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Over the next 20 years 47% of all workers in the US will be replaced by physical and digital automation.

This is a concern largely because while technology generally creates more jobs than it destroys, many of the jobs created in the recovery from the Great Recession have been labor-intensive, low-income jobs that would be the first to go with automation.

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There is no individual nation that has surpassed the American economy for half a century. This graph only goes back to 1960 but the trend was clear as early as the 1940s.

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There is likely to be a new hurdle in the fight for criminal justice, namely over means rea, Latin for “guilty mind”.

Here, some Republicans have argued that any reform package must include the proposal that prosecutors have to prove that the accused fully intended to commit the crime.

The White House has countered that expanding the proof of burden would make it harder to prosecute corporations for criminal behavior because corporations could argue they had no intent to commit a crime, whether it was pollution or unsafe products.

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The New York Times ran an interesting piece on Paul Ryan’s leadership style and it’s sharp contrast from that of former Speaker Boehner.

Mr. Ryan has for the most part pushed the privilege of crafting legislation — and with it, the responsibilities — out of the leadership offices and back into the hands of members, replacing Mr. Boehner’s smoke-filled rooms, at least for now, with energy bar-lined committee conference rooms.

This allowed for spending battles to dramatically shift from fights dominated by Boehner and his inner circle to actual negotiations between legislators much more willing to actually make concessions.

…unlike Mr. Boehner, whose tendency was to promise conservative members that he would fight for even their most unrealistic policy priorities, only to eventually concede to Democrats in the 11th hour, Mr. Ryan has been forthcoming from the beginning with members about their limits, Republicans said.

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“Permanent” tax cuts are not really permanent so much as harder to remove (multiple conditions/any house of Congress or the President can block changes) and made to last over longer periods of time.

They’re tied to Milton Friedman’s permanent-income theory which argues that while short-term increases in household income don’t lead to significant growth in consumption, large long-term increases do.

For a good overview of the debate surrounding permanent tax cuts, see the columns penned by John Taylor and Paul Krugman surrounding tax cuts leading up to the Great Recession and their effectiveness.

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