Scott Anderson’s account of Qaddafi’s reply to his final question (“How would you like to be remembered?”) is really interesting:

And he was so comfortable in the interview and so kind of arrogant about his position in Libya. He started off giving this kind of very, very platitudinous answer. It was like, “Well, you know, I would hope to be remembered as selfless, you know, that I gave to my people, that"—you know, just these kind of throwaway answers. And then he kind of paused for a second, and he chuckled, and he leaned towards me, and he said, "And I hope this is actually really true.” You know, in other words, maybe it’s always just been all about me, anyway. So, no, he had no—I don’t think he had any clue that—what was coming. Nor did—you know, I think, over and over again, I don’t think Hosni Mubarak, right up ‘til the day he had to resign, he ever thought he was going to go. I think it’s part of the nature of these kind of personality cults these dictators build around themselves, that they’re so inoculated that they’ve just really lost touch with reality.

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This is eerily reminiscent of Saddam Hussein’s 1979 Ba'ath Party purge, shortly after succeeding Iraq’s presidency.

Saddam Hussein convened the Ba'ath Party leadership on July 22 of that year, claimed to have discovered a conspiracy within the party against him, and pulled out 68 members from the room, all to be found guilty of treason.

22 were sentenced to death, and the “loyalists” that had just watched this take place were given guns to execute their former comrades.

Christopher Hitchens' narration of the coup is especially powerful as he captures why that sort of tactic–recruiting people by having them kill innocents–is particularly insidious.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CR1X3zV6X5Y

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In a 8/12/16 interview with Democracy Now!, Scott Anderson elaborated on what he observed when interviewing and following young ISIS fighters:

The one pattern I found over and over again was that these were—they were all young men, kind of with very bleak futures, either unemployed or underemployed, from working-class families, and not religious at all. None of these—according to them, they were not from religious families. They did not know the Qur’an very well. In a couple of cases, I knew the Qur’an better than they did. They were not recruited in mosques. They joined because their buddies joined, I mean, you know, because they saw stuff on social media.

And I think it was this kind of decision that young men make, that better to live large for a couple of years, and, you know, the power and the so-called glamour of—but the power that comes of carrying a gun, and then, you know, worry about what happens in the future two or three years down the road. So, I felt it was—certainly, in my experience, of these kind of foot soldiers, the grunts—they were primarily the ISIS members I’ve talked with—they had more akin to why somebody might join like an inner-city gang or why in Mexico they might join a narco gang. It’s this kind of despair at seeing any sort of future. But it’s not political, it’s not religious. It’s just this impulse to—you know, to have some sort of—I mean, it’s awful to say, in terms of ISIS, but adventure.

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In what is probably the longest and most exhaustive account of the Arab World by the New York Times, Saudi Arabia is only mentioned twice. Both are in this paragraph.

Iraq is referenced 224 times. Syria is referenced 94 times. Libya is referenced 68 times.

Jordan is referenced up 29 times. Oman is referenced 17 times. Tunisia is referenced 16 times.

Iran and Turkey are not Arabic, per se, but are nonetheless referenced 15 and 13 times, respectively.

Israel is referenced nine times. Lebanon is referenced five times. Kuwait is referenced three times. Yemen is referenced three times.

The only states mentioned less than Saudi Arabia were states that were inconsequential to the evolution of the Arab World over the past few decades.

Countries like Sudan, Somalia, the Comoros Islands, and Dijibouti found no mention.

Palestine and Mauritania were among those that found one mention either as a point of comparison or a boundary line for establishing who was a part of the Arab World.

This begs the question: why is Saudi Arabia–a country at the center of the region’s politics and economics, at the center of the rise of radical Islamic terrorism–only mentioned twice in a book length piece of journalism on the Arab world??

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‘Who will uninvent the Negro? For nearly four hundred years the black man’s personality has been under attack, his selfhood devastated. Ever since he was brought to this country in chains he has constantly been given the ultimatum: “Deny your humanity or perish!” Where are the artists and prophets who will undo this white destruction? Who will write the songs for us to sing of our black heroes?’

Very fascinating book that at its root argues the real Camelot of the Sixties and Seventies wasn’t the larger-than-life Kennedy dynasty but those who filled the void–black people who were front and center in the public’s imagination as cultural icons.

Each chapter is a nice little tapestry that traces the historical, social, and political threads weaving into the ecologies giving rise to athletic, musical, literary, entertainment, and political stars as well as their cross cultural influences–how they painted boundaries for black people and white people to cling to or cross brazenly.

That being said, I was a little disappointed by the conclusion. I am the last person to defend Ronald Reagan but Deburg’s final thrust, which lays the blame for many problems facing black people at Ronnie’s feet, is nowhere near as convincing or laid out as the rest of the book. Yes, Ronald Wilson Reagan contributed to the regeneration of many racist institutions, relationships, code words, etc. but the Teflon Don was a pretty face to an ugly systemic reality (like Trump). That systemic reality or it’s cultural manifestations would’ve been much more interesting and insightful to write about.

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The arrival uptown, Harlem, can only be summed up by the feelings jumping out of Césaire’s Return to My Native Land or Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth or Cabral’s Return to the Source. The middle-class native intellectual, having outintegrated the most integrated, now plunges headlong back into what he perceives as blackest, native-est. Having dug, finally, how white he has become, now, classically, comes back to his countrymen charged with the desire to be black, uphold black, etc. … a fanatical patriot!

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Far from being the smartest possible biological species, we are probably better thought of as the stupidest possible biological species capable of starting a technological civilization – a niche we filled because we got there first, not because we are in any sense optimally adapted to it.

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Wafts of roasting turkey. Wafts of roasting pork. The competing scents battled through the house while I helped Papá and Abuelo set up folding domino tables on both ends of our dining table. We assembled a mishmash of desk chairs, beach chairs, and stools stretching from the kitchen into the living room to seat all twenty-two relatives.

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Modern social thought was born proclaiming that society is made and imagined, that it is a human artifact rather than the expression of an underlying natural order.

The practical point of the view of society as made and imagined is to discover what is realistic and what illusory in these objectives and to find guidance for their execution.

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It’s quite standard for those who hold the clubs to say: “Forget about everything that happened and let’s just go on from here.” In other words, “I’ve got what I want, and out forget about what your concerns are. I’ll just take what I want.

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