Let black people organize themselves first, define their interests and goals, and then see what kinds of allies are available. Let any ghetto group contemplating coalition be so tightly organized, so strong, that–in the words of Saul Alinsky–it is an “indigestible body” which cannot be absorbed or swallowed up. The advocates of Black Power are not opposed to coalitions per se. But we are not interested in coalitions based on myths.
This book cannot be appreciated without its historical context: the CRM seemed to be dissolving with the assassinations of Malcolm X and MLK Jr; college campuses were exploding with student activism fueled by opposition to the Vietnam War; inner cities were consumed by riots rooted in frustration with endemic poverty and racism. Black people had sight of the political machinery that created their conditions but no way to directly affect its operation. Enter Black Power and its philosophy of self organization–develop your own politics to lucidly challenge power wherever it manifested as racism, either as individual acts or institutional forces which perpetuated alienation from self-determination.
An illuminating text to read if only for entertaining the prospects for creating a black political strategy with the push and pull of other ethnic minorities and lobbies–especially since conditions for swaths of black people have stagnated or decayed since the book’s initial publication. Most notably childhood poverty, household wealth and income, and incarceration rates for black people have barely moved, substantially collapsed, and skyrocketed (respectively). For the authors, Black Power is not as simple as closing the value gap between blacks and whites, it is destroying the institutions which created the gap in the first place so the myths feeding into white supremacy recede and can no longer serve as another hurdle on the path towards making a more humane society.
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