This article is really an extension of the core idea in Glenn Greenwald’s With Liberty and Justice For Some: that we have adopted a “doctrine of impunity” where elites are allowed to and encouraged to violate the law.

http://harpers.org/blog/2011/12/_with-liberty-and-justice-for-some_-six-questions-for-glenn-greenwald/

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Thanks to “deferred prosecution agreements”, the DOJ forgoes prosecution and settles for fines, if and only if Wall Street promises to police itself.

http://www.npr.org/2011/07/13/137789065/why-prosecutors-dont-go-after-wall-street

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Falso!

Clinton was referring to children:

They are not just gangs of kids anymore. They are often the kinds of kids that are called ‘super-predators.’ No conscience, no empathy. We can talk about why they ended up that way but first we have to bring them to heel

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ALXulk0T8cg

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I will never fail to laugh at the fact that Chris Christie dropped out of the race a few days after ripping Marco Rubio in one of the endless GOP debates.

How can you humiliate someone like this and then just leave.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gokyk3pmeHc&nohtml5=False

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One of the ways this has begun to manifest is with Berniecrats, a collection of “individuals who endorse Bernie Sanders and are active candidates for a public office.”

Supporting down ticket candidates not only has the effect on garnering support for a progressive agenda in Congress but warming the electorate as a whole to the ideas that would compromise such a platform.

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Understandable, but the fact of the matter remains that the USSR was about as socialist as North Korea democratic–not at all.

North Korea calls itself the “Democratic People’s Republic of Korea” but no one takes that claim seriously. And rightly so, North Korea does not respect human rights, does not have free and fair elections (or elections for that matter), does not have equal treatment under the law, and the list goes on.

The Soviet Union called itself socialist but was it actually socialist? The foundation of capitalism is private enterprise and no nation that lacks it can pretend it is capitalist except in rhetoric. The foundation of socialism is worker’s control of production and no nation that lacks it can pretend it is socialist except in rhetoric.

So how does a one party state whose economy was centrally planned by bureaucrats and officials chosen by the central apparatus of the party resemble production owned by workers?

It doesn’t. And yet we take this sort of rhetoric seriously.

The USSR called itself socialist to consolidate the population’s support while the United States called it socialist to kill burgeoning worker’s movements at home. In practice, both savagely attacked it.

Failure to understand the intense hostility to socialism on the part of the Leninist intelligentsia (with roots in Marx, no doubt), and corresponding misunderstanding of the Leninist model, has had a devastating impact on the struggle for a more decent society and a liveable world in the West, and not only there.

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Ironically, because of the centrality of “whiteness” within the dominant national identity of being “American,” most of us make few distinctions between our “ethnicity” and our “race,” and the two concepts are usually used interchangeably. “Black” and “white” are usually perceived as very fixed, specific categories that define millions of human beings and their behavior. Yet in reality, “ethnicity” refers to the values, traditions, rituals, languages, music, and family patterns created by human beings within all social groups. All of us have some kind of ethnic identity that has nothing to do with the color of our skin.

Dazzling collection of essays sketching how race, class, and gender divide Americans but can serve to empower Americans disaffected and disempowered by traditional institutions. It’s a great primer on how leftist thought can speak to the problems facing black America, framed in the midst of the euphoria at the century’s turn about a return to unmitigated prosperity thanks to the Soviet Union’s disintegration and meteoric rise of the New Democrats. Ultimately, the two parties represent graveyards for ideas alleviating black suffering; the way forward requires sustained activism–vigilance–to achieve black liberation.

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Racism and patriarchy are both precapitalist in their social and ideological origin. The successful seizure of state power by the U.S. working class and the creation of workers' democracy within the economic sphere would destroy the modern foundations for racial prejudice and sexism; however it would not obliterate the massive ideological burden of either form of oppression in the practices of millions of whites and males.

Marable attempts to grapple with the crisis that is the massive political and economic underdevelopment of black people in the United States. The long list of facts detailing black poverty poverty, differential treatment by criminal justice, depiction in society, and access to self-determining institutions, all go to highlight the legacy of centuries of state-sanctioned violence and plunder of African Americans. One of the most illuminating parts, still true today, is the attack on the myth of “black capitalism”–that black people have notable access to levers of power. In the face of such devastation, Marable sees socialism as the answer; a great exploration of what it might hold for Black people.

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Mistakes matter, especially when done by the most powerful nation in history, especially when they concern the lives of hundreds of thousands of people.

They are not ticks in the “pro” or “con” column of a candidate, they are actions with moral value and have consequences beyond the credibility of a candidate’s claim to a political label.

When you prove susceptible to hubris, apologizing a decade or two later does not matter. This goes for Hillary on voting for Iraq, this goes for Bernie voting for the crime bill.

We can sit and talk all day about intentions and remind ourselves how great and noble we are but the fact of the matter is that a decision has value outside of how it affects us Americans.

You can apologize all you want for the Iraq War but the nation has been torn to shreds and its shreds have been incinerated–over a misstep.

You can apologize all you want for mass incarceration but families have been torn apart, lives put on hold, and entire communities consigned to suffering at the fringes of society–because of a compromise.

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But to look back from the stony plain along the road which led one to that place is not at all the same thing as walking on the road; the perspective to say the very least, changes only with the journey; only when the road has, all abruptly and treacherously, and with an absoluteness that permits no argument, turned or dropped or risen is one able to see all that one could not have seen from any other place.

You cannot understand American life if you do not understand James Baldwin. Most books that tackle IDEAS do it by making them center then documenting how each character drives into them. That’s not how life works though. Life is not each person walking into “race” then dealing with it–life is in the details, the interactions between people that create a tension and nuance feeding into race, into sexuality, into faith, to all these intangible feelings that no one ever fully grasps–not even the author. For packaging all that into the most hard-hitting, bare-bone, functional sentences possible, Baldwin is truly transcendental.

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